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File photo shows Congolese civilians walk after returning to their homes following displacement during renewed clashes between Alliance Fleuve Congo AFC/M23 and the Armed Forces of…
File Picture: shows people walk at the entrance to Tine in eastern Chad. Chad’s government said Monday it was closing the border with Sudan until further notice, following clashes between Chadian soldiers and armed groups involved in the civil war across the frontier.”This decision follows repeated incursions and violations committed by the forces involved in the conflict in Sudan on Chadian territory,” Communications Minister Mahamat Gassim Cherif said in a statement, adding that he wanted to halt “any risk of the conflict spreading” to his country.Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces have been fighting government troops for almost three years in a conflict that has killed tens of thousands of people.It has forced 11mn people to flee their homes, triggering what the UN says is one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.The paramilitaries have conducted several operations near the Chad border and at least nine Chadian soldiers have been killed in separate incidents since December.The RSF last year consolidated its hold over Sudan’s western Darfur region, leaving only enclaves outside its control.It advanced on the frontier again on Saturday, claiming to have captured the border town of Al-Tina before army-allied militias said they had repelled the attack.Many of the town’s residents have already fled to Tine on the Chadian side, where tens of thousands of Sudanese have sought safety since the war broke out.Monday’s statement said Chad “reserves the right to retaliate against any aggression or violation of the inviolability of its territory and its borders”.”Cross-border movements of goods and people are suspended,” the text said, adding that “exceptional exemptions” for humanitarian reasons would still be possible. Related Story Source link
Bellarmine Chatunga Mugabe, son of late Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe, and his co accused Tobias Mugabe look on during their court appearance on attempted murder charges,…
The scars on Victor’s forearm remind him constantly of the day a Ukrainian drone attacked him after he was forcibly conscripted, like hundreds of young Kenyans, into the Russian army.It was a war that had nothing to do with him and which he was exceptionally lucky to survive.Four Kenyans — Victor, Mark, Erik and Moses — recounted to AFP the web of deception that took them to the killing fields of Ukraine. Their names have been changed for fear of reprisals.It began with promises of well-paid jobs in Russia from a Nairobi recruitment agency.Victor, 28, was supposed to be a salesman. Mark, 32, and Moses, 27, were told they would be security guards.Erik, 37, thought he had a ticket to high-end sports.They were all to be paid between $1,000 and $3,000 a month — a fortune in Kenya, where jobs are scarce and the government encourages emigration to boost remittances.Victor, Mark, Erik and Moses were included in WhatsApp groups where fellow Kenyans reassured them in Swahili that they were heading for good salaries and exciting new lives.Instead, Victor’s first day was in an abandoned house three hours outside Saint Petersburg.The next day, he was taken to a Russian military base, where soldiers presented him with a contract in Russian that he could not read.”They told us: ‘If you don’t sign, you’re dead,'” Victor said, showing his Russian military service record and combat medallion.Victor would later meet some of the Kenyans from the WhatsApp group in a military hospital.”Some had no legs. Some were missing an arm… They told me they were threatened with death if they wrote a negative message on the group,” he said.Mark said new recruits were offered the chance to pay their way home for around $4,000 — an impossible sum.”We had no option but signing the contract,” he said.Erik’s first day was training with a basketball team and he signed a contract he believed would land him with a professional club.He did not know it was actually a military contract.The next day he was in an army camp.Mark and Moses say they were paid very little for their year of service. Victor and Erik say they received nothing.The four men left for Russia through a Kenyan recruitment agency, Global Face Human Resources, which boasts on its website: “Let our HR wizards connect you to exciting opportunities.”AFP was unable to speak to the agency, which has relocated several times within the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, in recent months.One of its employees, Edward Gituku, is being prosecuted for “human trafficking” after a police raid in September on an apartment he rented on the outskirts of the city.Twenty-one young men, who were about to fly to Russia, were rescued in the raid.Gituku, released on bail, denies the charges, his lawyer Alex Kubu said.CLINICSVictor, Mark, Erik and Moses all say they met Gituku and that he was a key player in the scam.Erik and Moses even say Gituku drove them to Nairobi airport.Gituku’s previous lawyer, Dunston Omari, told Citizen TV in September that Global Face Human Resources had sent “more than 1,000 people” to Russia but all were former Kenyan soldiers who had “voluntarily” joined the Russian army.Around that time, Mikhail Lyapin, a Russian citizen implicated in the case, was expelled from Kenya “to stand trial in Russia” at the request of the Russian authorities, Kenyan Foreign Secretary Abraham Korir Sing’Oei said.The Russian embassy in Kenya stated in a press release that Lyapin had left Kenya voluntarily and had “never been an employee of Russian governmental bodies”. It did not respond to questions from AFP.In December, Kenyan authorities said around 200 citizens had been sent to fight in Ukraine, with 23 since repatriated.This is an underestimate, said the four recruits who spoke to AFP.Potential migrants to Russia had to undergo a medical examination before leaving. Just one of multiple Nairobi clinics that carried them out told AFP they saw 157 in little over one month last year.”The majority were former Kenyan soldiers” who knew what awaited them in Russia, said a worker at the clinic.There have been reports of genuine Kenyan mercenaries fighting for Russia in Ukraine, but Mark and Erik, who were examined at the clinic, said they were never informed of their future military service.’CANNON FODDER’Victor and Moses went through another Nairobi clinic, Universal Trends Medical and Diagnostic Centre, which declined to tell AFP the number of individuals referred by Global Face Human Resources.AFP was able to identify two other recruitment agencies sending Kenyans to Russia but was unable to contact them.The founder of Global Face Human Resources, Festus Omwamba, visited the Russian embassy in neighbouring Uganda several times last year, a source close to the embassy said.Omwamba blocked calls from AFP.In the early days of its invasion of Ukraine, Russia was accused of using people from its own ethnic minorities as expendable forces: Chechens, Dagestanis and others.Its tactic was to throw vast numbers at Ukrainian defences in a bid to overwhelm them.But the human cost has been huge. Western intelligence services say Russia has suffered more than 1.2mn casualties, twice as many as Ukraine.That has pushed Moscow to seek recruits further afield.Ukraine’s ambassador to Kenya, Yurii Tokar, said Russia first targeted former Soviet republics in Central Asia, then India and Nepal, before turning to Africa.The four returnees interviewed by AFP said they encountered dozens of Africans in training camps and battlefields, including from Nigeria, Cameroon, Egypt and South Africa.Russia exploits the “economic desperation” of young Africans, said Tokar.”They are looking for people for cannon fodder everywhere it is possible,” he said.FRONTLINE HORRORSVictor recounted apocalyptic scenes at the front near Vovchansk in the Kharkiv region.”We had to cross two rivers, with many dead bodies floating. Then there was a big field, which was covered with hundreds of bodies. We had to run to cross it. With drones everywhere,” he said.”The commander told you: ‘Don’t try to escape or we shoot you,'” he said.Of the 27 in his unit, two made it across the field.Victor survived by hiding under a corpse but was hit in the right forearm by drone fire.After two more weeks of missions, during which he was unable to carry his weapon and maggots were crawling in his wound, he was allowed to receive treatment behind the lines.A few weeks later, despite the heavy losses already suffered, the Russian army sent Erik to the same location without changing its strategy.Of the 24 men in his operation, only three made it across the field — a Pakistani who ended up with “both legs broken”, a Russian with “his stomach ripped open”, and Erik.Miraculously escaping this ordeal unscathed, the 37-year-old said he was then hit in the arm and leg by drones.’DESTROYED MY LIFE’Mark’s shoulder is covered in scars from a grenade launched by a Ukrainian drone while he was heading to the front in September. He doesn’t know where he was.All three eventually found themselves in a Moscow hospital and escaped to the Kenyan embassy, which helped them return home.Moses managed to escape his unit in December and make contact with Kenyan officials.Though physically unscathed, he is as traumatised as the others. A flying bird is enough to trigger his anxiety now, he said.They know many Kenyan families are dealing with worse.Grace Gathoni, now a single mother of four, learnt in November that her husband, Martin, who had planned to become a driver in Russia, died in combat.Moscow has “destroyed my life”, she said through tears.Charles Ojiambo Mutoka, 72, learnt in January that his son, Oscar, was killed in August. His remains rest in Rostov-on-Don.The Russian authorities “should be ashamed”, he said, angrily. “We only fight our own wars and we never bring Russians to fight for us… so why take our people?” Related Story Source link
Leleghale Bekewei knows the Okomu forest well: he used to make a living illegally logging trees in the Nigerian national park.Now, Bekewei is on the other side of the law, working as a ranger tracking down hunters and loggers in the sprawling reserve.”We made a lot of arrests,” he said. “You can ask my team members, I run very fast.”In some ways, a repentant logger like 26-year-old Bekewei is the ideal type of ranger: national parks in Africa’s most populous country face a slew of difficulties, many of them stemming from people having few job opportunities.Poverty — and a weak state unable or unwilling to enforce regulations — has made illegal hunting and logging in protected areas an attractive way to make money.That puts places like Okomu, a tropical forest in the country’s southwest — and the endangered buffalo, forest elephants and white-bellied pangolins that live in it — increasingly at risk.By recruiting former poachers and loggers, Africa Nature Investors (ANI), an NGO charged by Nigeria’s national parks service with managing Okomu, hopes to ease the economic pressures that eat away at Nigeria’s nature reserves.- Crime ticking down -It’s a difficult task: Nigeria has lost 96 percent of its original forest cover, according to the Nigerian Conservation Foundation.Outside of protected areas, palm oil plantations are a major source of deforestation. Edo state, home to Okomu forest, is the country’s top palm oil producer.Before ANI’s takeover in 2022, dozens of trucks filled with illegal timber were sneaking out of the 24,000-hectare (59,300-acre) Okomu reserve every day.”The first thing we did was to recruit rangers from the local communities,” said Tunde Morakinyo, founder of ANI, noting the “serious unemployment” in the area.Tests were designed to assess candidates’ physical strength and moral integrity, and recruits were trained on human and environmental rights.Unlike previous generations of park rangers in Nigeria, the ANI rangers carry guns.But “you’re not a soldier or a policeman,” Morakinyo told AFP. “You are a steward of the park.””People are driven into logging and poaching through poverty,” he added. “If you take away these livelihoods, you must replace them with alternative livelihoods.”In Nigeria, the issue has been compounded by skyrocketing inflation and the worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation over the last two years.But for James, becoming a ranger has been a good switch.Living in a forest camp, he earns 90,000 naira ($65) per month and has his lodging and food covered.”I make more money” as a ranger, he told AFP, adding that he was also happy to leave behind the boom-and-bust lifestyle of logging.A fellow ranger, former poacher Festus Benjamin, 31, told AFP he now educates his peers on the value of preserving the park’s wildlife.In two years, ANI’s rangers have made some 200 arrests, a number that’s trending downward, said ANI’s park director, Peter Abanyam.- Surrounding poverty -But if the buzz of chainsaws has, at least partially, given way to birdsong and chatter from monkeys, challenges remain.Some 300 young people showed up when ANI came to recruit rangers. They employ only about 30.ANI has set up microfinance programmes, in partnership with the microcredit company Roshan Renewables, in several villages on the edge of the park to combat unemployment and poverty.Savings groups help pool money, which can then be used in addition to zero-interest loans for community projects.In Iguowan, a village of about 300 people, members are saving up for a new cassava grinding machine so they can more easily make — and sell — flour.”We could produce 10 bags, 20 bags, 30 bags,” said farmer Titus Okepuk, 53.An ideal future for Morakinyo would be to develop ecotourism — sorely lacking in Nigeria, despite its rich wildlife — and possibly generate funds from carbon credits.”Our ambition is to have a park which is really well protected, surrounded by a ring of economically prosperous communities, who actively work with us to protect the park,” he said.fvl/nro/kjm Source link
Thirty people were killed and others injured in a traffic accident in Kano State, northern Nigeria.Local authorities reported that a truck was traveling on a highway in the Gezawa area of ​​Kano State when the driver lost control. A state government spokesperson said that the fatal accident occurred when a semi-trailer truck collided with a vehicle due to reckless driving, killing more than 30 people and seriously injuring many others. Road accidents are common in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, partly due to the poor condition of the roads. Source link
Models and sapeurs – members of the Société des Ambianceurs et des Personnes Élégantes (SAPE), a subculture of exceptionally stylish, elegantly dressed men and women in…
File photo of Uganda’s opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, of the National Unity Platform (NUP) party, walking with his wife Barbara Kyagulanyi,…
Uganda detains 2,000 opposition supporters, kills 30 after disputed election, army chief says
File photo shows Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Uganda’s military chief says 30 opposition supporters killedOpposition leader Bobi Wine remains in hidingUN Secretary-General voices concern over arrestsUganda’s military chief said yesterday that authorities had detained 2,000 opposition supporters, killed 30, and were hunting for more following a disputed presidential election in which his father, Yoweri Museveni, won a seventh term.The elder Museveni, 81, has led the East African nation for nearly four decades. He was declared to have resoundingly defeated Bobi Wine, leader of the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP), in the January 15 vote, held during an Internet blackout.Wine, a former musician whose legal name is Robert Kyagulanyi, rejected the result, alleging widespread irregularities including ballot stuffing, and went into hiding.In a series of overnight social media posts, military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son, gave the first details of the arrests and killings of NUP supporters, describing them as hooligans and terrorists.”So far we have killed 30 NUP terrorists,” Kainerugaba said on X, without explaining the circumstances of the deaths. “Most NUP terrorist leaders are in hiding. We shall get them all,” he said in another post.The government has accused Wine’s supporters of violence during the election while the opposition says its members were attacked by security forces. Reuters has not been able to authenticate the allegations.A police spokesperson declined to give any further comment on the situation. Military spokesperson Chris Magezi could not be reached for comment.UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres expressed concern on Thursday over the arrests and violence involving opposition figures and supporters.”He (the Secretary General) notes the importance of restraint by all actors and respect for the rule of law and Uganda’s international human rights obligations,” his spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said.Wine has alleged that hundreds of his supporters have been illegally detained in recent months for their political affiliation, and accused authorities of intimidation.Uganda’s opposition parties and rights activists say some of those arrested are held in unofficial detention centres where some are tortured.The crackdown intensified with the detention of Muwanga Kivumbi, a lawmaker and Wine’s deputy in the NUP, on Thursday. Two other senior NUP figures have been reported missing for days.Yesterday, Kivumbi appeared in court in Butambala to be charged with terrorism. He was remanded in custody until February 3, the rights group Agora Discourse said in a post on X. It did not say how Kivumbi had pleaded and the identity of his lawyer was unclear.Wine, 43, has said he fled his residence after a raid by security personnel shortly after the election.Museveni is widely believed to be grooming Kainerugaba, who has expressed presidential ambitions, as his successor. Source link
Valery Kyembo was leading an inspection of his community's protected forest reserve deep in the Democratic Republic of Congo's mining belt when two armed Congolese soldiers blocked their way.Behind the troops, a barrier restricted access to a developing mine site. One soldier brandished his weapon in a clear warning — Kyembo should turn back instead of reaching the reserve.As US and other companies jostle with China over the DRC's critical minerals, communities like Lukutwe in the southern province of Haut-Katanga fear increasing restrictions and incursions into nature reserves as they seek to protect their land. Kyembo's Lukutwe community forest reserve obtained official land titles to help avoid unauthorised exploitation, as huge metal reserves draw more investors.But community leaders fear displacement from traditional lands despite the communities' protected status.Haut-Katanga produces a host of minerals, but none more in demand than the silver-tinged cobalt, essential for electric batteries and in defence technology.The DRC produces around 70% of the world's cobalt.In Lukutwe, 70 kilometres from the mining capital Lubumbashi, community leaders said they established a forest concession to legalise customary land titles after watching mining firm SEK, a subsidiary of Australia's Tiger Resources, displace other villages a decade ago. ‘We wanted to have our own titled land,’ Kyembo said, echoing people from surrounding villages.Demand for minerals under Katanga's earth is heating up.US President Donald Trump, who has sought to broker an end to decades of conflict in eastern DRC, has made ‘mineral diplomacy’ key to his approach, looking for access for American companies in exchange.CUSTOMARY LANDFor villages like Lukutwe, which often hold land rights dating back generations but lack formal paperwork, the concessions are a way to secure land titles and protect the region's vast savannah forest systems.Since 2016, forest concessions, known as CFCL by their French acronym, have been part of the DRC's strategy to let communities manage their forests.They ‘effectively constitute a safeguard against pressure over their land… relocations and expropriations by mining companies,’ said Heritier Khoji, a specialist in the region's forests and an agronomy professor at the University of Lubumbashi.In Haut-Katanga, there are now 20 reserves, covering 239,000 hectares (60,000 acres). Twelve more are in the process of approval.The DRC's south is covered in what are known as Miombo forests, the largest dry tropical forest ecosystem in the world. But, as in other parts of Africa, forests are shrinking due to agriculture, deforestation and mining.From 2001 to 2024, the Lualaba and Haut-Katanga provinces lost 1.38mn hectares of tree cover, much of it along the copper-cobalt belt, according to Global Forest Watch.The DRC's mining registry shows the copper-cobalt belt has one of the country's highest concentrations of exploration and mine licences.Overseen by Indigenous and local communities, the forest reserves allow environmental management through sustainable projects, reforestation and controlled charcoal production, and set aside specific areas for conservation and rural development.In theory, mining companies that overlap with or impact the reserves can pay royalties to communities for their operations.Each reserve has a volunteer brigade to monitor access points and boundaries, said Kibole Kahutu, vice-president of the CFCL Katanga.MINING PRESSUREEnvironmentalists and rights groups meanwhile worry over threats to waterways, farming and health.A leak of waste from a facility run by Congo Dongfang Mining (CDM), a subsidiary of China's Huayou Cobalt, flooded suburbs of Lubumbashi in November, prompting the Congolese government to suspend the miner's operations.Many of the Haut-Katanga reserves are surrounded by or overlap with mining companies.For example, the Kambala forest initiative, which is yet to be fully approved, overlaps with the exploration permit of MMG Kinsevere SARL, a subsidiary of Australia-based MMG Limited, whose main shareholder is the Chinese company China Minmetals.Khoji, the agronomy professor, said community forest concessions are not perfect. Sometimes, even communities mine in environmentally destructive ways.Companies can operate in a concession after obtaining community consent. But local communities complain miners still obtain licences on secured lands even without consent or benefit-sharing agreements.For communities, ‘obtaining the concession is a safeguard against land pressures, but the difficult application of laws, decrees, orders… is an obstacle,’ Khoji said.Politics also plays a role, with poor communities lacking clout.In villages like Lukutwe, forestry concessions often do not generate immediate returns, and the lack of funds discourages some residents, said Veronique Sebente, representative of a committee managing collective land ownership.Katanga also faces incursions and attacks by loggers from Lubumbashi who come to produce charcoal to sell in the regional capital.’These people sometimes surprise us by surrounding us and attacking. We have difficulty securing the concession,’ said Kahutu, the vice-president of the CFCL Katanga.Community members say forest concessions with the government offer at least some protection.But a road built across the CFCL Katanga to reach a mining site is a reminder that one day a mining company may try to come for their land.’Our only support in this case consists of the CFCL documents obtained from the government,’ Kahutu said.The DRC's environment and mines ministers as well as mining companies SEK and MMG were contacted, but none responded before publication.This article is part of a reporting project between Mongabay and Agence France-Presse (AFP). Source link